He was a farmer in the morning, and by evening, he had ascended to the Emperor’s Hall. This is the traditional Chinese dream of wealth and prosperity for ordinary people. But what truly enables one to realize such a daydream? Very few actually do. But there really was such a person. Born into a poor family, he used to make a living by herding cattle and raising pigs. He had not received much education, but in less than ten years, from a penniless veteran, he became a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Vice Chairman of the CPC. He was once ranked only after Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, a potential successor to the supreme leader. But in just one night, he fell from the clouds and eventually became a prisoner. Why did this grassroots comeback all turn into a dream?
朝为田舍郎，暮登天子堂。这是中国传统中普通人对财富和繁荣的梦想。但真正能实现这种白日梦的人有多少呢？寥寥无几。然而，现实中确实有这样一个人。他出生于一个贫困家庭，曾靠放牛养猪维持生计。他没有受过多少教育，但在不到十年的时间里，从一名一贫如洗的退伍军人，一跃成为中共中央政治局常委、中共中央副主席。他的排名曾一度仅次于毛泽东和周恩来，被视为最高领导人的潜在接班人。然而，仅仅在一夜之间，他便从云端跌落，最终沦为阶下囚。这段草根逆袭的故事，为何最终化为一场幻梦？
Hello everyone, welcome to Second Master’s Story. At the end of last year, a sudden surge of interest in interpreting the film “Youth” swept across China. This film, directed by Feng Xiaogang a few years ago, is about cultural soldiers in the later stages of the Cultural Revolution. It was taken out and reinterpreted by those who believe the Cultural Revolution had positive and constructive aspects—a veiled challenge to the official narrative of the Cultural Revolution. This implies that Mao Zedong Thought was very advanced. This video became a sensation on the Chinese internet, triggering a wave of nostalgia for the Cultural Revolution and garnering over 35 million views before being taken down. In this discussion, one of the most talked-about points is Huang Xuan, the male lead, whose appearance is strikingly similar to Wang Hongwen, the youngest and most handsome member of the Gang of Four. He was also the most famous representative of the Cultural Revolution. Therefore, some people interpret this surge of enthusiasm as an attempt to exonerate Wang Hongwen.
大家好，欢迎来到二爷的故事。去年年底，一股解读电影《芳华》的热潮席卷中国。这部由冯小刚几年前执导的电影，讲述了文革后期文工团军人的故事。它被那些认为文革具有积极和建设性意义的人拿出来重新解读——这是对文革官方叙事的一种隐晦挑战。这暗示着毛泽东思想是非常先进的。这段视频在中国互联网上引起轰动，引发了一波对文革的怀旧潮，在被下架前获得了超过3500万次观看。在这场讨论中，最受关注的焦点之一是男主角黄轩，他的外貌与“四人帮”中最年轻、最英俊的王洪文惊人地相似。王洪文也是文革最著名的代表人物。因此，有人将这股热潮解读为试图为王洪文翻案。
Actually, this is nothing new. Starting from 2022, public opinion demanding a re-evaluation of Wang Hongwen has already started appearing on the domestic internet. His image has even become a popular internet meme. Despite being portrayed as a villain in the official narrative of the CCP, Wang Hongwen’s story has sparked a trend of thought about his “resurrection” in public perception. Why did his story, more than 30 years after his death, become a viral internet meme? Today, we’ll review Wang Hongwen’s life and work.
实际上，这并不是什么新鲜事。从2022年开始，要求重新评价王洪文的舆论就已经在国内互联网上出现。他的形象甚至成了一个流行的网络梗。尽管在中共的官方叙事中被描绘成反面人物，但王洪文的故事在公众认知中引发了一股关于他“复活”的思潮。为什么在他死后30多年，他的故事会成为一个病毒式传播的网络梗？今天，我们就来回顾一下王洪文的生平与事迹。
Wang Hongwen was born in December 1935 in Kaiyuan Village, Xixing Township, Changchun City, Jilin Province, during the period of the puppet state of Manchukuo. His father, Wang Guosheng, was an honest and simple farmer who was slightly deaf. They had four sons and one daughter. The sons were named Wang Hongwen, Wang Hongwu, Wang Hongshuang, and Wang Hongquan—together representing “literary and martial talents.” While the meaning was good, reality was cruel due to poverty. Wang Hongwen could only afford three months of private school before having to drop out to make a living. As a teenager, he worked as a pig herder at his uncle’s house to supplement the household income.
1935年12月，王洪文出生于吉林省长春市西兴乡开元村，当时正值伪满洲国时期。他的父亲王国胜是个诚实本分的农民，耳朵有些背。家里有四个儿子和一个女儿。四个儿子分别取名王洪文、王洪武、王洪双、王洪全——合起来寓意“文武双全”。虽然寓意很好，但由于贫困，现实是残酷的。王洪文只上得起三个月的私塾，就不得不辍学谋生。十几岁时，他去伯父家当猪倌，以补贴家用。
In 1950, when the Korean War broke out, the government was urgently conscripting soldiers in the Northeast. Seventeen-year-old Wang Hongwen seized this opportunity to change his destiny and enlisted. He was assigned to the 50th Division of the 27th Army of the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army, serving as a guard and communications officer for the military headquarters. Participating in the Korean War, Wang Hongwen was extremely bold. Once, while delivering a message, he was so tired that he used two dead bodies as a cushion to take a break amidst raging gunfire before continuing his way. However, because he had little education, he couldn’t achieve significant military exploits as a communications soldier. Although he joined the Party at the front lines, it was hard to get promoted. After the war, feeling there was no future in the army, he joined a newly formed military band playing the clarinet—though he had no musical talent and was merely “faking it.” Soon after, the military laid off personnel, and Wang Hongwen was discharged in 1956.
1950年朝鲜战争爆发时，政府在东北地区紧急征兵。十七岁的王洪文抓住了这个改变命运的机会，报名入伍。他被分配到中国人民志愿军第27军50师，担任军部警卫员和通讯员。在朝鲜战场上，王洪文表现得异常胆大。有一次在送信途中，他跑得太累了，竟然在硝烟弥漫的战场上，垫着两具尸体坐下来休息，然后才继续赶路。然而，由于文化程度低，作为通讯兵的他很难建立显赫的战功。虽然他在前线入了党，但晋升依然困难。战后，他觉得留在部队没有前途，便加入了一个新组建的军乐队吹黑管——尽管他毫无音乐天赋，只是在“滥竽充数”。不久后部队裁员，王洪文于1956年退伍。
The resettlement policy for veterans at that time was decent. Wang Hongwen was assigned to Shanghai and became a security guard at the State-owned No. 17 Cotton Mill. Although an ordinary employee, it was a secure job—a good way out for someone from a pig-herding background. Although uneducated, his experience of making a living from a young age made him skilled at “reading between the lines.” He developed good interpersonal relationships and, being from a “poor and lower-middle peasant” background and quite handsome, he was highly sought after in the factory. After only four years, he became the factory’s militia company commander. In 1960, he officially became an officer in the security department, transitioning from a worker to a “cadre.” In that era, “state cadres” were like today’s civil servants, officially entering the national administrative system—a rare achievement for an average person.
当时的退伍军人安置政策还算不错。王洪文被分配到上海，成为国营第十七棉纺织厂的一名保卫干事。虽然只是一名普通职员，但这是一份安稳的工作——对于一个放猪出身的人来说，是个很好的出路。虽然没受过什么教育，但他从小谋生的经历使他很擅长“察言观色”。他建立了良好的人际关系，加上“贫下中农”的出身和英俊的相貌，他在工厂里很受欢迎。仅仅四年后，他就当上了工厂的民兵连长。1960年，他正式成为保卫科的干部，完成了从工人到“干部”的转变。在那个时代，“国家干部”就像今天的公务员一样，意味着正式进入了国家行政体系——这对普通人来说是极其罕见的成就。
To address his low education, Wang Hongwen attended night school and obtained a junior high school diploma, finally learning to recognize all the characters. However, his level remained low; later, as a Standing Committee member, his self-criticism letters to Mao were riddled with typos. He also disliked studying, being a typical “academic underachiever” who enjoyed hunting and recreation and got sleepy when holding a book. To be honest, while uneducated, he wasn’t stupid. During the Great Famine, while carrying out land reclamation on Chongming Island, he expressed dissatisfaction with the “Great Leap Forward,” calling it a “man-made disaster” and questioning a socialism that made people work on an empty stomach. He even secretly listened to enemy radio broadcasts. Wang Hongwen was not a mindless “little pink” but a sophisticated egoist who knew how to assess situations. His military background and “loyalty” gave him prestige among coworkers, foreshadowing his later leadership of a rebellion.
为了弥补文化程度低的短板，王洪文上了夜校并获得了初中毕业证，终于识全了字。然而，他的文化水平依然很低；后来作为常委，他写给毛泽东的检讨书里依然错别字连篇。他也不喜欢学习，是个典型的“学渣”，喜欢打猎和娱乐，一拿起书本就犯困。说实话，他虽然没受过什么教育，但并不愚蠢。在三年大饥荒期间，他在崇明岛垦荒时，曾表达过对“大跃进”的不满，称其为“人祸”，并质疑一种让人饿着肚子干活的社会主义。他甚至还会偷偷收听敌台广播。王洪文并不是一个无脑的“小粉红”，而是一个懂得审时度势的精致利己主义者。他的军人背景和“江湖义气”让他在工友中颇有威望，这也为他后来领导造反埋下了伏笔。
Under normal historical trajectories, Wang Hongwen might have only reached the rank of section chief. But the Cultural Revolution arrived, thrusting him into the eye of the storm. On May 16, 1966, Mao Zedong issued the “May 16th Circular,” and the Cultural Revolution began. After Nie Yuanzi’s big-character poster was published nationwide, the Red Guards in Beijing ushered in a high tide of seizing power. This inspired Wang Hongwen. At the time, his situation wasn’t great; during the “Four Cleanups,” he had been accused of stealing fabric, construction materials, and even cigarettes from the factory. To vent his frustrations and “stand up for his boss” (who was in a conflict with another factory leader), Wang Hongwen posted a big-character poster titled “Peel back the mask to see the truth,” bombarding Zhang Heming for focusing only on production and not “class revolution.”
如果按照正常的历史轨迹，王洪文可能最多只能当到科长。但文化大革命的到来，将他推向了风暴的中心。1966年5月16日，毛泽东发布了《五一六通知》，文革正式开始。在聂元梓的大字报向全国发表后，北京的红卫兵掀起了夺权的高潮。这启发了王洪文。当时，他的处境并不好；在“四清”运动中，他曾被指控偷窃工厂的布料、建筑材料，甚至香烟。为了发泄不满并“替领导出头”（他的领导当时正与另一位厂领导发生冲突），王洪文贴出了一张题为《剥开画皮看真相》的大字报，炮轰张鹤鸣只抓生产而不抓“阶级革命”。
Initially, this angered leaders and he was suspended. The Shanghai Municipal Party Committee’s working group did not truly support him, and many factory workers looked down on him, calling him a “fake leftist.” With no way out, Wang Hongwen went all the way, sending out more posters and organizing workers to petition in Beijing. In that fervent atmosphere, his actions were “politically correct,” and his petitioning made him famous as a representative of the Shanghai rebels. In November 1966, he established the “Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel Headquarters” and besieged the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Without higher support, he might have been mere “cannon fodder,” but he fortunately met his benefactor, Zhang Chunqiao.
起初，这激怒了领导，他被停职了。上海市委的工作组并没有真正支持他，许多工厂工人也看不起他，称他为“假左派”。在走投无路的情况下，王洪文索性一条道走到黑，贴出更多的大字报，并组织工人赴京请愿。在当时那种狂热的氛围中，他的行为是“政治正确”的，他的请愿让他作为上海造反派的代表而名声大噪。1966年11月，他成立了“上海工人革命造反总司令部”（工总司），并围攻了上海市委。如果没有高层的支持，他可能只是“炮灰”，但他幸运地遇到了他的伯乐——张春桥。
Zhang Chunqiao was Mao’s most trusted strategist and deputy head of the Central Cultural Revolution Group. No one understood Mao’s motives better. Zhang, who had a long history in Shanghai, wanted to use the city as a “testing ground” for the Cultural Revolution. Finding Wang Hongwen was like “someone handing you a pillow when you’re about to fall asleep.” Zhang immediately realized Wang was a “rare commodity.” In the name of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, he affirmed Wang’s rebellion. With the “imperial sword” from Mao and Zhang, Wang’s rebellion took flight. He led over 100,000 people to besiege the Shanghai headquarters on Kangping Road, creating the “Kangping Road Incident” and marking the beginning of armed conflicts. On January 6, 1967, under Zhang’s instigation, Wang’s rebels overthrew the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee in the “January Storm.” Mao expressed support and called on the country to learn from it. Wang became the vice chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee. By age thirty-two, he effectively controlled Shanghai.
张春桥是毛泽东最信任的谋臣，也是中央文革小组的副组长。没有人比他更了解毛泽东的动机。张春桥在上海有着深厚的根基，他想把这座城市作为文革的“试验场”。发现王洪文就像是“刚想睡觉就有人递枕头”。张春桥立刻意识到王洪文是个“奇货可居”的人才。他以中央文革小组的名义肯定了王洪文的造反。有了毛泽东和张春桥赐予的“尚方宝剑”，王洪文的造反事业插上了翅膀。他带领十多万人围攻了位于康平路的上海市委总部，制造了“康平路事件”，标志着武斗的开始。1967年1月6日，在张春桥的授意下，王洪文的造反派在“一月风暴”中推翻了上海市委。毛泽东对此表示支持，并号召全国向他们学习。王洪文成为了上海市革命委员会副主任。年仅三十二岁，他便实际控制了上海。
Wang’s rapid rise caught Mao’s attention, as Mao needed role models. On October 1, 1968, Wang was received by Mao and stayed in Beijing for the Twelfth Plenary Session. At the closing ceremony, Mao specifically introduced him to the attendees. By April 1969, Wang became a member of the Central Committee at the Ninth Congress. His real rise began in 1971 after Lin Biao’s defection. Mao, shaken and suspicious of veteran officials, promoted a large number of “workers, peasants, and soldiers,” such as Chen Yonggui and Wu Guixian. But Mao’s cultivation of Wang Hongwen was specifically aimed at finding a successor.
王洪文的迅速崛起引起了毛泽东的注意，因为毛泽东需要树立典型。1968年10月1日，王洪文受到毛泽东的接见，并留在北京参加了八届十二中全会。在闭幕式上，毛泽东专门向与会者介绍了他。到1969年4月的中共九大上，王洪文成为了中央委员会委员。他真正的崛起始于1971年林彪叛逃之后。毛泽东大受震动，对老干部产生了怀疑，于是提拔了一大批“工农兵”干部，如陈永贵和吴桂贤。但毛泽东对王洪文的栽培，则是专门为了寻找接班人。
In January 1971, Wang became a secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. In September 1972, Mao summoned him to Beijing to prepare for the 10th National Congress, specifically to draft amendments to the Party Constitution—a clear sign of mentorship. Though Zhang Chunqiao actually did the work, Wang was the spokesperson. At the 10th Congress in August 1973, Wang became a member of the Standing Committee and Vice Chairman of the CPC, ranked third after Mao and Zhou. He squeezed past bigwigs like Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Between September 1973 and May 1974, Mao had Wang accompany him to meet foreign guests sixteen times to increase his popularity. At thirty-eight, only seven years after his first big-character poster, Wang had climbed to the top—a “rocket-style” promotion.
1971年1月，王洪文成为上海市委书记。1972年9月，毛泽东将他召到北京筹备中共十大，专门负责起草党章修改草案——这是明确的栽培信号。虽然实际工作是张春桥做的，但王洪文是代言人。在1973年8月的中共十大上，王洪文成为政治局常委和中共中央副主席，排名仅次于毛泽东和周恩来，位列第三。他挤掉了邓小平和陈云等大佬。在1973年9月至1974年5月期间，毛泽东让王洪文陪同他会见外宾达十六次之多，以提高他的知名度。三十八岁时，距离他贴出第一张大字报仅仅七年，王洪文就爬到了权力的顶峰——这是一种“火箭式”的晋升。
However, Wang’s abilities and qualifications didn’t match his rank. He had limited education and lacked experience beyond being a rebel. Veteran cadres who had risked their lives were unconvinced by this “Crown Prince” who joined the army after the founding of the PRC. Even Mao’s staunch followers, like Xu Shiyou, had opinions. In December 1973, when Mao swapped regional military commanders to prevent “deep-rooted power,” he let Wang take attendance to establish authority. Xu Shiyou refused to answer Wang, only responding when Zhou Enlai took over. This showed that the elders looked down on him. Even Zhang Chunqiao, who was more capable, faced similar resistance. Wang’s “rocket promotion” was like “forcing a duck onto a shelf.”
然而，王洪文的能力和资历与他的地位并不匹配。他受教育程度有限，除了当过造反派之外缺乏经验。那些冒着生命危险打江山的老干部们，对这位建国后才参军的“太子”并不买账。甚至连毛泽东的死忠粉，如许世友，也有意见。1973年12月，当毛泽东为了防止“树大根深”而对调八大军区司令员时，他让王洪文负责点名以树立威信。许世友拒绝回应王洪文，直到周恩来接手点名时才作答。这表明老一辈从心底里看不起他。即使是能力更强的张春桥，也面临着类似的阻力。王洪文的“火箭式晋升”就像是“赶鸭子上架”。
Knowing he was unliked, Wang made a terrible move: he defected to Jiang Qing. Mao had promoted Wang hoping he would be a “moderate centrist” independent of factions, like Hua Guofeng, to reconcile contradictions. But Wang completely sided with Jiang Qing, forming the “Gang of Four” with Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan. This contradicted Mao’s intention of “separation of powers and checks and balances.” Wang, uneducated and lacking a team or resources, desperately needed a faction for protection. His political vision was flawed; he didn’t understand Mao’s intention, and Mao ultimately gave up on him, deposing him from the “successor” position.
知道自己不受欢迎，王洪文走了一步臭棋：他投靠了江青。毛泽东提拔王洪文，是希望他能成为一个独立于各派系之外的“温和中间派”，就像华国锋那样，以调和矛盾。但王洪文完全倒向了江青，与张春桥、姚文元组成了“四人帮”。这违背了毛泽东“分权制衡”的初衷。王洪文没有受过什么教育，缺乏团队和资源，急需一个派系来保护自己。他的政治眼光是有缺陷的；他没有理解毛泽东的意图，毛泽东最终放弃了他，废除了他“接班人”的地位。
Wang had “cleverness” but lacked “great wisdom.” Before promoting him, Mao sent him to study the “Biography of Liu Penzi” in the Book of Han. Liu Penzi was a cowherd-turned-emperor during the late Western Han who was a mere puppet and eventually surrendered. Mao’s intention was for Wang to have self-awareness and avoid Liu Penzi’s mistakes. But Wang couldn’t even read the history books; even with a professor’s explanation, he failed to grasp the lesson. Instead, he indulged in eating, drinking, and entertainment. In Zhongnanhai, he spent his time fishing, shooting, and hunting—even targeting ornamental ducks. He liked luxury cars and drinking Moutai, sometimes four times a day. He even bought “internal supply” Moutai (rebottled leftovers from state banquets) to save money, making others look down on him.
王洪文有“小聪明”但缺乏“大智慧”。在提拔他之前，毛泽东曾让他去读《汉书》中的《刘盆子传》。刘盆子是西汉末年一个放牛娃出身的皇帝，他只是个傀儡，最终投降了。毛泽东的意图是让王洪文有自知之明，避免重蹈刘盆子的覆辙。但王洪文连历史书都读不懂；即使有教授的讲解，他也没能领会其中的教训。相反，他沉溺于吃喝玩乐。在中南海，他把时间花在钓鱼、射击和打猎上——甚至拿观赏鸭当目标。他喜欢豪车，喜欢喝茅台，有时一天喝四次。他甚至为了省钱去买“内部特供”的茅台（国宴剩下的重新装瓶的酒），这让别人更加看不起他。
His lack of ambition was evident in official duties. Mao entrusted him with receiving foreign guests, but Wang wouldn’t even read the briefings from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, leading to repetitive and shallow conversations. Mao was furious. Wang’s cultural shortcomings—such as not knowing who Zhang Xun was—caused Mao to lose patience. The real reason Mao abandoned him, however, was his total subservience to Jiang Qing. Harvard historian Ross Terrill noted that at a banquet, Jiang Qing affectionately encouraged Wang as if he were her lackey, despite his higher official rank. This deviated from Mao’s goal of a centrist successor.
他在公务上的不思进取也是显而易见的。毛泽东委托他接待外宾，但王洪文连外交部提供的简报都不看，导致谈话内容重复且肤浅。毛泽东对此非常愤怒。王洪文在文化上的短板——比如不知道张勋是谁——让毛泽东失去了耐心。然而，毛泽东放弃他的真正原因，是他对江青的完全顺从。哈佛大学历史学家罗斯·特里尔（Ross Terrill）注意到，在一次宴会上，江青亲昵地鼓励王洪文，就像对待自己的跟班一样，尽管王洪文的官阶比她高。这偏离了毛泽东寻找一个中间派接班人的目标。
This is why Mao later promoted Hua Guofeng. Mao’s strategy was always “separation of powers and checks and balances”—pulling one faction to attack another and never letting one become too powerful. Even his closest associates like Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, and Peng Dehuai were not spared if they harbored “ulterior motives.” Although the Gang of Four were his confidants, he didn’t want them forming a new “mountain.” At the July 1974 and May 1975 meetings, Mao publicly criticized them for factional activities, coining the term “Gang of Four.” His criticisms were born of disappointment. He hoped they would carry out his agenda and suppress the “old guys,” but he also knew they had no real power base. He wanted them to unite all parties to avoid being “wiped out” after his death—an ideal state that was ultimately impossible to achieve.
这就是为什么毛泽东后来提拔了华国锋。毛泽东的策略始终是“分权制衡”——拉拢一派打击另一派，绝不让任何一派变得过于强大。即使是他最亲密的战友，如刘少奇、林彪和彭德怀，如果心怀“异志”，也绝不姑息。虽然“四人帮”是他的心腹，但他不希望他们形成一个新的“山头”。在1974年7月和1975年5月的会议上，毛泽东公开批评他们搞宗派活动，并创造了“四人帮”这个词。他的批评源于失望。他希望他们能推行他的路线并压制那些“老家伙”，但他也知道他们没有真正的权力基础。他希望他们能团结各方，以免在他死后被“清算”——这是一种最终无法实现的理想状态。